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REPORT 



OF THE 



THIRD ANNIVERSARY 



OF THB 



OHIO ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 



HELD IN 



GRANVILLE, LICKING COUNTY, OHIO, 



On the 30th of May, 183S. 



CINCINNATI: 

PUBLISHED BY THE OHIO ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 

SAMUEL A. ALLET, PRINTER, 

1838. 



3^i 






i 



MINUTES, 



The Third Anniversary of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society, was held at Gran- 
ville, Licking co., Ohio, commencing Wednesday, May 30th, 1838. 

The Delegates convened in the Presbyterian church, and were called to ordei 
by Robert Stewart, of Ross co., at 10 o'clock, A. M. 

Rev. Wm. Beecher made a few remarks, and followed them with prayer. 
Hon, Leicester King, of Trumbull co„ President of the Society, took the 
chair. 

After a short address by the President, George Whipple, of Oberlin, and 
George W. Warner, of Massillon, were appointed Secretaries. 
On motion of Joseph A. Dugdale, 

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to receive and enrol the. 
names of the members of this Convention, together with the names and locali- 
ties of the Societies which they represent. 
On motion of the same, 

Resolved, That all persons who approve of the principle, that immediate eman- 
cipation, -without expatriation, is the right of the slave and the duty of the 
master, be requested to offer their names as members of this Convention. 
On motion, the following Committees were appointed: 

Committee to enrol the names of members, — Joseph A. Dugdale, Joseph H. 
Payne. 

Committee to prepare business for the meeting, — John Monteith, Edward 
Weed, Gamaliel Bailey, George W. Warner, and A. A. Guthrie. 

CoinrrfitRje on Resolutions, — John Rankin, Wm. Beecher, Samuel Galloway, 
Edward Turner, George Whipple. 

Committee on Political Action, — Robt. Stewart, Eli Nichols, Horace Nye, 
Rees E. Price, Gamaliel Bailey. 

Committee on the Nomination of Officers, — E. Weed, Augustus Wattles, 
W. W. Bancroft, John Monteith, Lorenzo D. Butts. 

Rev. Wm. H. Beecher offered and supported the following resolutions, which 
were subsequently adopted. 

Resolved, That the inculcation of the sentiments embodied in our Constitu- 
tion, is emphatically but a re-affirmation of those fundamental principles first pro- 
mulgated in the law of God, and from it incorporated into the Declaration of In- 
dependence and the Constitution of Ohio. ., 

The Society then adjourned, to meet in the same place at 2 o'clock, P. M. 



4 Minutes. 

2 o'clock, P. M. 

The meeting having been called to order by the^President, Mr. Monteith pre- 
sented the following resolution: 

Resolved, That a committee of nine be appointed to report on the best plan 
of operations for the future, and to define the relations between this Society and 
the American Anti-Slavery Society. 

The resolution was adopted, and the following persons constituted said com- 
mittee: Gamaliel Bailey, John Monteith, Edward Weed, Robert Stewart, W. 
W. Bancroft, J. B. Walker, A. Cady, Horace Nye, George Whipple. 

On motion of A. A. Guthrie, John Purdy and A. F. Hanna were appointed a 
committee to audit the accounts of the Executive Committee. 

Samuel Galloway offered and supported the following resolution: 

Resolved, That the friends of Immediate Emancipation claim to be actuated 
by motives of the highest philanthrophy, and that this claim will be recognized 
when the principles of civil and religious liberty shall be respected and loved. 
[Adopted.] 

The President then introduced Rev. Alexander Rankin, who addressed the 
meeting in reply to some objections frequently urged against our operations. 

Rev. Edward Weed offered and supported the following resolution, which 
was adopted. 

Resolved, That the immediate abolition of slavery in the United States would 
advance the interests of the slave, the slave-holder, our whole nation and th» 
world. 

On motion of Mr. Weed, a committee of one was appointed to receive pay- 
ments of old pledges, and to take new pledges from those who should be com- 
pelled to leave before the final adjournment of the Convention. Stephen S. 
Guthrie was appointed the committee. 

Mr. Galloway read to the Convention a letter from Hon. Thomas Morris, 
addressed to Col. Wm. Keys. 

On motion, 

Resolved,, That it be placed in the hands of the Executive Committee, to be 
published with the proceedings of the Convention, provided the consent of tha 
writer be obtained. 

Convention took a recess till half past seven, P. M, 



Half past 7 o'clock, P. M. 

The Convention was called to order by the President. 

Rev. John Rankin addressed the Convention on the Duty of the Church in re- 
ference to prejudice against color. 

Rev. J. Blanchard presented and supported the following resolution: 

Resolved, That the property-holding power, by which every master holds hi* 
slave, is a sin in itself, and ought to be so regarded by all christians. 

On motion, adjourned till Thursday morning at 8 o'clock. 

Thursday, 8 o'clock, A. M. 
President in the chair. Rev. Moses Scott addressed the Throne of Grace. 
On motion of Horace Nye, a committee of six were appointed on the Phi- 



Minutes. $ 

lanthropist and Depository. The committee was composed of the following 
gentlemen: Samuel White, William Gage, William Lee, James Boyle, J. B. 
Walker, James Austin. 

The Committee on Political Action presented their report, which was order- 
ed to be read. The report was accepted, and article by article adopted. 

REPORT. 

The Committee on Political Action deem it necessary simply to report th» 
following resolutions: 

1. Resohed, That this Convention entertain the same opinions as ever in re- 
gard to the truth of the sentiment expressed in the Declaration of Sentiments 
put forth by the Convention that formed the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
— a sentiment repeated in the second article of the Constitution of said Society, 
and, in general terms, incorporated into the Constitution of the Ohio Anti-Sla- 
very Society, — to wit, that Congress by the Federal Constitution has no right to 
legislate for the abolition of slavery in the States. [Adopted unanimously.] 

2. Resolved, That this Convention does hereby record its full and solemn 
sanction to the following sentiment contained in the Declaration of Sentiments 
referred to in the foregoing resolution, — 

"Our principles lead us to reject, and entreat the oppressed to reject, the us» 
of all carnal weapons, for (their) deliverance from bondage; relying solely on 
those which are spiritual, and mighty through God, to the pulling down of strong 
holds." [Adopted with but one dissenting voice.] 

3. Resolved, That nothing in the foregoing resolution is intended to prevent, 
blame, or discountenance in any way, the exercise by abolitionists of their rights 
of suffrage in obedience to their anti-slavery principles. [Adopted unani- 
mously.] 

4. Resolved, That this Convention fully believes in the propriety and great 
importance of questioning candidates for office, on all those points connected 
with our enterprise, concerning which they may be legitimately called upon to 
act officially; so that the right of suffrage may be exercised on enlightened 
grounds. [Adopted unanimously.] 

5. Resolved, That all abolitionists who believe in the lawfulness of our re- 
presentative governments, are sacredly bound by their principles, so to bestovr 
their suffrages, as to promote the election to Congress of men, whose sentiment* 
are known to be decidedly favorable to the right of petition, the liberty of speech 
and the press, the right and duty of Congress to abolish slavery and the slave- 
trade in the District of Columbia and Territories, its constitutional power over 
the slave-trade between the states, and its solemn duty to prevent the extension 
of slavery by the admission into the Union of any new slave-state, or territory; 
and also, to promote the election of men to the Legislature, who will advocate 
the removal of the legal disabilities under which our colored brethren now labor, 
and the extension of the right of jury-trial to all cases involving personal liber- 
ty, and who believe that it is the duty of Congress to grant petitioners on all 
subjects an attentive hearing, provided their petitions be couched in respectful 
language; that it has the power, and ought, to abolish slavery and the slave- 
trade in the District of Columbia and the Territories, and that it ought not to 



6 Minutes. 

grant admission to any now slave-state or territory into our Union; — provided 
always, that in thus bestowing their suffrages, they violate none of the fundamen- 
tal principles of morality. [Adopted unanimously.] 

6. Resohed, That this Convention is opposed to every measure that looks 
towards a separate political organization; because it is an experiment which has 
never been tried and is therefore uncertain; because in all the resolutions of our 
rational and state societies, it has never been countenanced; because it would 
render our motives suspected, place abolitionists in the attitude of political parti- 
sans, fighting for office, honor, and power, and thus corrupt their ranks by filling 
them up with selfish and unprincipled adventurers, and tempting them to re- 
sort to the ordinary machinery of partisan warfare — tricks, misrepresentation, 
and calumny; because it would divert their energies from the promotion of anti- 
slavery principles to the concoction of schemes for their own aggrandizement; 
because it would effectually prevent the reformation of public sentiment they 
contemplate, by utterly subverting their present party-attachments and sympa- 
thies, which afford so many channels for reaching the hearts and minds of their 
associates, and substituting, in their place, a mass of hostile feeling, the unfail- 
ing product of a strife for offices of trust, power or profit, which would defeat 
all attempts on the part of abolitionists to conciliate the good will or confidence 
of their political opponents; be cause, finally, it would engender internal dissen- 
sions, jealousies, and at length, open division among themselves; for, being com- 
posed of seceders from the great parties which now divide the country, they 
would naturally array themselves in obedience to their party-affinities, and op- 
pose or support abolition candidates according to their political creed. [Adopted 
unanimously.] 

8. Resolved, That it is recommended to the State Executive Committee to 
question candidates for the governorship, and that it be recommended to the ex- 
ecutive committees or managers of the county societies, to perform the same 
duty in relation to all candidates (for county offices and) for seats in the Legis- 
lature and in Congress. [This was amended by striking out the clause in paren- 
thesis, and then adopted unanimously.] 

9. Resolved, That the subjoined questions be published, as indicating the 
course we recommend. 

1st, Have Congress the power constitutionally to abolish slavery and the slave- 
trade in the District of Columbia, and ought they to do it? 

2d, Have Congress the constitutional power to abolish the internal slave- 
trade, and should they exercise it? 

3d, Have Congress the power to abolish slavery in the Territories of this 
Union, and should they exercise it? 

4th. Have Congress power to prevent the admission ofany new slave-holding 
atate into the Union, and should they exercise if? 

5th, Ought the Legislature of Ohio to repeal all laws making distinctions 
between the rights of white and eoloredcitizens, and if not, which one of these op- 
pressive laws should continue to disgrace our statute books? 

6th, Ought freedom of speech and of the press, the right of petition, the right 
ef the people peaceably to assemble themselves to consult for their own welfare, 



Minutes. 7 

and the security of person and of property be maintained and held inviolate, or 
which of these great chartered rights should now be surrendered to tha dark 
spirit of Slavery? [Adopted unanimously.] 

On motion, 

Resolved, That a committee of six be appointed to devise and bring before tha 
Convention, a plan that will enable those who feel conscientious scruples in re- 
gard to the use of slave-produce, to obtain articles of free labor. 

The following persons were appointed the Committee: John Rankin, Joseph 
A. Dugdale, A. L. Benedict, Charles Neil, W. H. Beecher, Wm. Donaldson. 

The Treasurer presented his Report which was placed in the hands of tha 
Auditing Committee. 

Joseph A. Dugdale offered the following resolution, which was adopted by ac- 
clamation. 

Resolved, That as men and christians, we rejoice at the peaceful escape of th« 
slave from his house of bondage, and recognize as imperative and binding on us, 
the Scriptural injunctions — "Bewray not him that wandereth," "Thou shalt not 
deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee." 

The Executive Committee through Gamaliel Bailey, submitted their Third 
Annual Report. 

On motion of W. H. Beecher, the Report was accepted. 

On motion of Mr. Blanchard, the Report was adopted and ordered to ba 
printed. 

Mr. Blanchard offered and supported the following resolution: 

Resolved, That it is recommended to the sessions and other officers and mem- 1 
bers of anti-slavery churches, whose duty it is to examine candidates for admis- 
sion to the same, that they pass, and publish in the newspapers, as soon as 
convenient, a resolution to the following effect.: — That we will admit to our com- 
munion no candidate for examination who holds slaves, or defends the prin- 
ciples of slavery. [Adopted.] 

A. A. Guthrie moved and A. Wattles seconded, the following resolution: 

Resolved, That we now proceed to receive the pledges of individuals and So- 
cieties to the funds of the State Society. 

Recess till 2 o'clock, P. M. 

2 o'clock, P. M. 

On motion of E. Weed, 

Resolved, That this meeting recommend to the Anti-Slavery Societies through- 
out the State, immediately to adopt the plan of regular monthly or quarterly 
subscriptions in aid of the funds of the State Society. 

Mr. Beecher submitted the following resolutions: 

1. Resolved, That the Anti-Slavery cause is truly a religious one; and th*t 
its unparalleled success in opposition to the most powerful and inveterate h^ 1 * 
lity, is unquestionably the work of God, and is to be regarded as a sip= ia ' an " 
swer to the prayers of his people. 

2. Resolved, That the final accomplishment of our holy object uUst De ty the 
blessing of God on our efforts, and that we earnestly and affec^« alel y entreat all 



8 Minutes. 

christians to pray always with all prayer," that God would be pleased to fill ouir 
hearts with wisdom, benevolence and holy courage, and render our efforts speedi- 
ly successful in the entire removal of the system of slavery. 

3. Resolved, That we regard Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, as a noble martyr in the 
cause of the freedom of the press, of speech, and of man, and that we revere hie 
honored memory, assume his mantle, and sympathize with his afflicted family. 

4. Resolved, That we regard the mob at Alton, and the more recent mob at 
Philadelphia, as furnishing conclusive evidence that the cause of abolition is in 
direct hostility to the empire of the Prince of Darkness, who has come down in 
great wrath because jhe knowcth that his time is short; and as being to our op- 
ponents an evident token of defeat, "but to us of salvation and that of God." 

The Committee of Nomination reported, and their report was accepted and 
adopted. 

The Committee on Slave-labor produce, &c, reported the following resolutions: 

Resolved, That it is the duty of abolitionists in all cases, to give the prefer- 
ence to free-labor products, and to encourage merchants to keep supplies of free- 
labor goods. 

Resolved, That suitable efforts ought to be made to promote the manufacture 
of beet-sugar and silk. 

On motion of J. A. Dugdale, 

Resolved, That the resolution of the House of Representatives in Congress, 
adopted at the session of 1835-6, by which the petitions of thirty-seven thousand 
of our citizens, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia 
and the slave-trade between the states, were virtually rejected, was an inexcusa- 
ble violation of the inalienable right of petition inherent in the people. 

Resolved, That we consider the renewal of that resolution at the ensuing 
session of Congress, by which the memorials of more than one hundred and ten 
thousand of our countrymen were disregarded, as adding insult to the wrong al- 
ready committed. 

Resolved, That the second renewal of said resolution in the House of Re- 
presentatives during the present session, by which the petitions of not less than 
three hundred thousand of the freemen of this republic have been contemptous- 
ly laid aside, without being debated, printed, read or referred, is an aggravated in- 
sult to the people and an outrage on their rights. 

Resolved, That we are signally encouraged by the information furnished in 
the letter of Senator Morris — that 15,000 citizens of Ohio, subsequent to the pas- 
sage of this gag-resolution, forwarded to him their memorials for presentation. 

On motion of Mr. Monteith, 

Resolved, That it is the duty of every friend of the anti-slavery cause to con- 
tribute liberally for the purpose of sustaining and enlarging our operations — Let 
*'e poorest appropriate the value of an hour's labor every week, and others 
111 l*oportion, and the object will be gained. 

The Auditing Committee presented their report, recommending the accept- 
ance of tio Treasurer's report. [Accepted.] 

The Comu^ttee on the affairs of the Philanthropist and Depository, made a 
verbal report, accompanied with the following resolutions; 



Minutes. 9 

Resolved, That the Convention believes that it is vitally important to the 
cause of abolition, in the West particularly, and throughout our country gener- 
ally, that the Philanthropist be sustained; and that to this end, each member of 
this Convention will endeavor to procure at least one subscriber, and induce each 
family in his or her neighborhood to take at least one copy. 

Resolved, That we feel increased and abiding confidence in the ability and in- 
tegrity of Dr. Bailey, its present indefatigable editor. 

Resolved, That one thousand dollars of the funds of the Society be appro- 
priated to the use of the Depository in Cincinnati, and that the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Society be directed to consider the fund as pledged to this purpose 
exclusively, and so manage it, as to prevent its diminution. 

Recess until half past 7 o'clock, P. 3W. 



Half past 7 o'clock, P. M. 

Convention called to order by Col. Robert Stewart. 

On motion of Wm. Brown, 

Resolved, That John Quincy Adams, Wm. Slade, Thomas Morris, Leicester 
King, and Ben. F. Wade receive the thanks of this Convention for the fearless 
manner in which they have vindicated the rights of ell men, and for the elo- 
quence and fixed determination with which they have asserted and maintained 
the right of petition. 

[The foregoing resolution was moved just after the Convention was called to 
order, and passed almost before the members had time to consider whether it 
required amendment. We now move an amendment which, we are very sure, 
will be seconded by every true abolitionist in the State; — we move that the name 
of J. A. Foote, member of the House of Representatives in this State, for last 
year, be classed with the other names mentioned in the resolution. His name, 
we know, was omitted unintentionally. — Ed. Phil.] 

G. W. Warner addressed the meeting, presenting the free-will offering of a 
poor man in his neighborhood. 

Rev. Mr. , of Mississippi, addressed the Convention, detailing many 

facts illustrative of the condition of society in Mississippi. 

The Committee appointed to devise a more efficient plan of future operations, 
not having sufficient time to consider all the subjects submitted to them, report- 
ed only the following resolution: 

Resolved, That the Executive Committee of this Society are hereby author- 
ized, if they deem it expedient, in order to facilitate their operations, to establish 
an agency for Northern Ohio, to be called the Northern Agency; and that, for 
this purpose, they be. authorized to appoint an Executive Committee of one 
or more persons in the vicinity of Cleveland, who may be invested with power 
to raise funds throughout that portien of the State, lying North of a line to be de- 
signated by the State Executive Committee, and who shall co-operate with said 
Committee in promoting the interests of the State Society, 

The report was adopted. Mr. Nye presented the following resolution which 
was unanimously adopted. 

Whereas, Those funds, received into the national benevolent societies of th« 



church, which arise from the hbor of the slave, arc in all cases the wages of un- 
righteousness, in many cases the price obtained for human victims sold in the 
shambles, and in some cases the price of blood, Therefore, 

Resolved, That to receive such funds, obtained by a system of oppression and 
cruelty committed on souls and bodies for which Christ died, to be expended in 
propagating the gospel of Christ, is a mockery alike of the principles of reason 
and revelation, and an act which will bring on our nation the scorn cf the chris- 
tian world, and on our benevolent institutions so receiving the wages of iniquity, 
the frown of that God who has said, "I hate robbery for burnt offering." 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be returned to the citizens of Gran- 
ville for the kindness and hospitality with which its members have been enter- 
tained during its session. 

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published under the di- 
rection of the Executive Committee. 

Prayer by John Rankin. 

It having been made the duty of the Executive Committee to appoint the 
time and place of the next anniversary, the Convention now adjourned. 



G. WHIPPLE, 
GEOKGE WARNER, 



> Secr'rys 



OFFICERS FOR THE ENSUING YEAR. 

President. 
LEICESTER KING. 

Vice Presidents. 

Alexander Campbell, ~i 

_.„,. .• j c lirotvn County. 

James Gilliland, > J 

Asa Mahan, Oberlin. 

Dr. Bancroft, Granville. 

Reese E. Price, Hamilton County. 

Francis Dunlavy, Warren County. 

YVm. Keys, Higldand County. 

Robert Stewart, Ross County. 

Samuel Crothers, Higldemd County, 

Nathan Galbraith, Columbiana. 

James Stewart, Fayette. 

Dyer Burgess, Jldams. 

Abraham Baer, Starke. 

Wm. R. Hudson, Geauga. 

Samuel Denny, Picjcatpay. 

Benj. Gass, Ric/dand. 

Orestes K. Hawlcy, Ashtabula. 



Officers. 1 1 

J. Jollilfe, Clermont. 
iSeri Whipple, Muskingum* 
3. S. Waugh, Butler. 
John Walker, Harrison. 
Daniel Miller, Seneca. 
Gamaliel Bailey, Hamilton. 
J. A. Foote, Cuyahoga. 

Coresponding Secretary. 
M. R. Robinson. 

Recording Secretary. 
Augustus Hopkins. 

Treasurer. 
William Donaldson. 

Managers. 

Hannan Kingsbury, Cuyahoga co. W. W. Beebe, Knox. 

Isaac Colby, Cincinnati. Joseph Riggs, Scioto. 

J. J. Blanchard, Cincinnati. J. B. Johnson, Logan. 

J. C. Clopper, Cincinnati. John Monteith, Lorain. 

Christian Donaldson, Cincinnati. Archibald Stewart, Fayette, 

John Hunt, Athens. Timothy Hudson, Medina. 

Samuel Moffit, Ashtabula. Charles Dringan, Monroe. 

Nathan Johnson, Belmont. James A. Shedd, Montgomery. 

J. B. Mahan, Brown. Horace Nye, Muskingum. 

John Rankin, Brown. Dr. Blackstone, Pike. 

Abram Allen, Clinton. Asahel Kilbourn, Portage. 

Manasseh Baer, Carroll. P. H. Gallady, Preble. 

James Hambleton, Columbiana. Shelden Guthrie, Putnam. 

H. S. Gillett, Franklin. Richard Long, Ross. 

Uri Seely, Geauga. Samuel McCullough, Shelby. 

Rob't. Hanna, Harrison, Riverius Bidwell, Trumbull. 

Rob't. Bell, Holmes. J. M. Sterling, Cuyahoga. 

Everton Judson, Huron, Peter Kirkpatrick, Licking. 

Joseph Bryant, Jefferson. John G. Rogers, Clermont. 

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 

JAS. Q. LUDLOW, 
CHRISTIAN DONALDSON, 
ISAAC COLBY, 
J. BLANCHARD, 
WM. DONALDSON, 
AUGUSTUS HOPKINS, 
M. R. ROBINSON, 
GAMALIEL BAILEY, Jr., 
REESE E. PRICE. 



1? . reaxKrer's Report. 



TREASURER'S REPORT 



Ohio State Anti-Slavery Society in account with Wm. Donaldson, Treasurer 
for the year commencing May 6th, 1837, and ending May 30th, 1838. 

Disbursements. 
Cash paid A. A. S. Soc. on Pledge, - 

" for Books and Publications, ... 
" Salary of Publishing Agent, ... 

" " of Editor, 

" " of Lecturers, .... 

" for printing Philanthropist, ... 

" for Paper, ...... 

" Expense of Office, including rent, fuel, &c., &c. 
" Discount on uncurrent money, including coun- 
terfeit, &c, - 
" Postage, _..... 

" Colored Schools, ..... 

" Commission for Philanthropist, - - - 
" Binding Reports, &c, .... 

" Law expenses, in Birney's case, 

Amount of Receipts for Philanthropist, Depository, 

Pledges, &c, ...... 

Balance due the Treasurer, (overdrawn,) 

Cash ree'd. on pledges and Philanthropist at Ann'ry., 

Balance due the Treasurer, - - $6 56 



§1299 


92 


591 


00 


443 


37 


633 


96 


405 


65 


3028 


?;, 


1374 


31 


385 


10 


102 


60 


125 


43 


160 


19 


9 


08 


23 


75 


75 


(id 


$8658 


11 


$7651 


95 


$1006 


16 


$999 60 



Annual Report. 13 



REPORT. 



THE THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE OHIO STATE 
ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. Granville, 0., May 30, 1838. 

At our last Annual Meeting, we presented a Report, exhibiting a 
general view of the Anti-Slavery cause in the United States, and the 
events that had transpired in connection with its progress. This 
year a report of a less general character is thought advisable. All 
that we now design is, to furnish a short history of the most im- 
portant anti-slavery movements in this State during the year, to take 
a brief view of the present aspects of abolition generally, and to con- 
clude with a few practical suggestions. 

AGENTS. 

Since last May four travelling agents have been operating pretty 
constantly throughout the State. Two of these have acted simply 
as lecturers; Rev. E. Weed has united the functions of lecturer and 
financial agent; and Mr. Wattles has devoted himself chiefly to the 
promotion of the interests of the free colored people. Their letters, 
published occasionally in the Philanthropist, furnish some idea of the 
fruits of their labors. The Society is especially indebted to Mr. 
Weed for his faithful and successful efforts, in raising monies to 
maintain the operations of the Executive Committee. 

A leading object with Mr. Wattles has been, to induce the free 
people of color to settle more numerously in the country and turn 
their attention more generally to rural occupations. The education 
and social elevation of the colored population of the free states, are 
very justly thought to be objects of vast importance to the cause of 
Emancipation. The policy of slaveholders is, to effect the entire 
degradation of this class, so as to give at least the appearance of 
truth to their continual plea, that the slaves, if emancipated, could 
not take care of themselves. They are aware too, that slaveholding 
would appear still more abhorrent, if the free brethren of the slave 



1 1 . liinmd Report. 

should displaj the lull proportions of moral and intellectual beings, 
and their condition abound in evidences of well-directed effort. 
The earnest devotion of the spirit of abolition to the free people of 
color, is one of its most striking and beautiful characteristics. In 
this respect, it is like the wisdom that comes down from above — 
without partiality and without hypocrisy. It fearlessly exposes the 
popular delusion that prejudice against color is invincible, and has no 
affinity lor any scheme, however magnificent, which, under the 
of philanthropy, is directly calculated to gratify and cherish 
the selfish feelings of a prejudiced people. In the face of a corrupt 
public sentiment, which would doom the colored man to perpetual 
degradation or exile from his native land, and brands with odium 
every attempt to ameliorate his condition, it comes forth in his be- 
half, and taking him by the hand, lifts him out of the depths of 
abasement into which the cruel spirit of caste had plunged him; and 
proclaims to him that even here his rights shall be acknowledged, 
and his interests protected. 

Under the operations of this spirit, there has been an evident im- 
provement in the condition and character of our colored population. 
It has hardly too much to say, that for the last few years almost every 
project of successful benevolence in their behalf, has originated with 
abolitionists. Numerous schools for their benefit have been insti- 
tuted in this state, and are generally under the care of a few aboli- 
tionists. Colored people are fast awakening to the importance of 
having their children educated; they take a deep interest in the pros- 
perity of the schools, and in some cases have assumed the whole 
burthen of their expenses. 

PUBLICATIONS. 

The only publications issued by the Committee during the last year, 
independent of the Philanthropist, are the Annual Report of our Se- 
cond Anniversary, the Speech of Salmon P. Chase in the case of the 
colored girl Matilda, an Argument by the same gentleman in the case 
of the State vs. Jas. G. Birney, before the Court in Bank, and a 
Memorial to the General Assembly respecting the colored people of 
Ohio. The Speech of Salmon P. Chase, on account of its peculiar 
importance was widely circulated. Of its merits and its powerful 
agency in enlightening the public mind on the right of jury-trial in 
relation to fugitives from labor, it is needless to speak. The pro- 
duction is confessedly a standard one on that subject. The Me- 



Annual Report. ] 5 

morial respecting colored people, was prepared in obedience to 
a vote of the Society last spring, and duly presented to the Ge- 
neral Assembly. It embodies a large mass of interesting particu- 
lars illustrative of the industry, intelligence and moral worth of per- 
sons of color in this State; and it exerted great influence, we have 
reason to believe, in removing false impressions from the minds of 
many of our legislators. The Society is under obligations to Au- 
gustus Wattles for the preparation of this Memorial. 

The Philanthropist is now in its third year. Like every other pe- 
riodical devoted to the dissemination of unpopular sentiments, it has 
had to struggle with continual difficulties, and nothing but a deep 
conviction in the minds of the Committee of its vital importance to 
the cause of abolition in the West, could have induced them un- 
der so many discouragements, to resolve on its continuance. Last 
January the Committee thought proper to increase at once its size 
and price, and have a certain portion of it devoted to news and mis- 
cellaneous matter. So far the change seems to have given universal 
satisfaction. 

The Committee regard the vigorous support of the Philanthro- 
pist as indispensable to the successful prosecution of our enterprise. 
The utility of local anti-slavery newspapers is now generally un- 
derstood. Maine has its Advocate of Freedom; Connecticut, its 
Charter Oak; New Hampshire, its Herald of Freedom; Massachu- 
setts, its Liberator; New York, its Friend of Man, beside the va- 
rious, important publications, weekly and monthly, issued in New 
York city; and Pennsylvania, its Christian Witness and Freeman. 
If the East can support such a number of weekly periodicals, ex- 
clusively devoted to the promotion of abolition, is it too much to 
expect that the West, bordering for many hundred miles on slave- 
holding states, fearfully exposed to the corrupting influences of sla- 
very, and possessing peculiar instrumentalities for acting efficiently 
against it, — should sustain at least one anti-slavery paper? Of the im- 
portant results that have followed the establishment and continuance 
of the Philanthropist at Cincinnati, we need not speak. We are 
pleased however to announce, that recently this paper has been re- 
ceived more freely into slave-holding states. Not long since, copies 
of it were sent to nearly all the newspapers in Kentucky, with the 
request for an exchange: in a majority of instances, the request 
was frankly and cheerfully complied with; so that now the Phi- 



Lb .humid Report. 

lanthropist lias a considerable exchange list in that State. There is 
also a prospect of securing several exchanges in Alabama. 

The importance of more efficiently supporting the paper, might 
be shown at greater length, but enough has been said, especially 
as the subject will again be brought up by the Publishing Agent. 

PETITIONS. 

The work of petitioning during the past year, has been more ac- 
tively and extensively carried on than ever. To say nothing of pe- 
titions to Congress, at no former period during the abolition era, 
have so many prayers on anti-slavery subjects gone up to our state 
legislature. Last year there was comparatively little agitation of this 
kind. A few petitions were presented, little discussion took place, 
and only one or two unimportant reports were put forth. Petition- 
ers were treated with no signal respect, and the Assembly appeared 
scarcely to feel the pressure of anti-slavery sentiment. During the 
last session, the subject of abolition was frequently under debate. 
Numerous petitions were presented, praying the legislature to pro- 
test against the annexation of Texas, to affirm the constitutional 
right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, to 
remonstrate against Mr. Patton's gag-resolution, to repeal the dis- 
criminative laws of the State relating to people of color, to secure 
the jury-trial in all cases involving personal liberty, to pass special 
protective enactments against mobs, and to vindicate the laws of 
Ohio by reclaiming the person of Eliza S. Johnson, a colored wo- 
man, kidnapped in this State and carried into Kentucky as a slave. 

In the Senate the petitions were for the most part referred to se- 
lect committees, but in the House this courtesy was generally de- 
nied. In both they gave rise to many reports, and these again, to 
much discussion. The reports and the action upon them have been 
faithfully recorded in the Philanthropist, and all that is necessary 
here, is briefly to recapitulate the leading facts in reference to 
them. 

Mr. Foote reported a bill, making towns and cities liable for da- 
mages done by mobs within their limits. This measure doubtless 
grew out of the numerous outrages on property, which had become 
common in the popular warfare against abolitionists; but the whole 
bill was evidently calculated to be general in its benefits, and to 
maintain in all cases the majesty of the laws, by fastening respon- 
sibility on those who have the power to prevent disorder, and mak- 
ing it the absolute interest of the entire community to protect the 



Annual Report. 17 

rights of every citizen. It was warmly opposed and as strongly 
supported, the opposition proceeding on the ground that it was an 
abolition measure. It was finally postponed until the next ses- 
sion. 

Mr. Wade, from the Select Committee, appointed by the Senate 
on petitions respecting Texas, made a long and spirited report 
against the annexation of this territory to our Union, concluding 
with a preamble and resolutions. These, after some modifications, 
were at length adopted unanimously in the Senate, and with but 
five dissenting voices, by the House. An effort was subsequently 
made by Mr. Walton, to induce the Senate to pass a certain kind of 
apologetic resolutions, designed to assure the South, that Ohio in 
protesting against the admission of Texas, did not intend any hos- 
tility to the system of slavery; but it failed. 

Mr. Dunlevy, from the Committee on the abduction-case, made 
a manly and judicious report, and concluded by recommending the 
passage of a resolution, requesting the Governor to open a corres- 
pondence with the Executive of Kentucky, and to insist upon the 
restoration of Eliza S. Johnson to freedom. The resolution passed 
by a vote of 37 to 13. This unfortunate woman was subsequently 
set at liberty, after five months unjust imprisonment, unrequited for 
all the bitter wrongs she had suffered. 

Mr. Green, from the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, to which. 
had been referred petitions concerning the right of jury-trial, report- 
ed adversely to the prayer of the petitioners. The unsoundness 
of the report was fully shown by a correspondent of the Philan- 
thropist, and subsequently in the celebrated report of Judge King. 

This gentleman made an elaborate report on the whole subject of 
the disabilities of our colored population, and also on the right of 
trial by jury. It excited profound interest in the Assembly, and a 
thousand extra copies of it were ordered to be printed. It clearly 
establishes the unconstitutionality, as well as impolicy and immor- 
ality of our present scheme of legislation in regard to people of 
color. He reported several resolutions appropriate to the report, 
and a bill for'the securement of jury-trial in cases of alleged fugi- 
tives from labor. It being near the close of the session, and much 
important business remaining to be disposed of, the whole subject 
was laid over for action at the next session. 

In the House, Mr. Collings reported on the same subjects, and 
on a few others referred to the Committee of which he was chair- 

3 



18 Annual Report. 

man. His report was favorable on the whole to the granting of a 
jury-trial, condemned Patton's gag-resolution as impolitic and vio- 
lative of the spirit of the constitution, adopted the modern notion 
that implied faith to Virginia ^nd Maryland forbids the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, and was adverse to repealing or 
in any way changing the laws of the State in relation to colored 
people. 

Mr. Foote, from the minority of the same Committee, reported a 
bill for repealing the statute forbidding "blacks and mulattoes" to 
bear testimony against white persons. In his report he took the 
general gound that all our discriminative laws relating to people of 
color, were wrong and impolitic. The bill was postponed indefi- 
nitely. 

Mr. Wade, from a select committee, reported favorably to the 
prayer of petitioners, praying the Assembly to protest against Mr. 
Patton's gag-resolution. The resolutions he recommended were 
taken up only two days before the close of the session, and amidst 
the great pressure of other business, indefinitely postponed. 

Mr. Green from the Judiciary Committee in the Senate, to which 
had been referred petitions praying the Assembly to affirm the con- 
stitutional power of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of 
Columbia, near the close of the session, asked to be discharged 
from their further consideration. The request was granted, and 
further consideration postponed till next December. 

Thomas Richmond introduced in the House certain resolutions, 
instructing the auditors of the several counties in the state, to ascer- 
tain how much money had been collected from colored persons an- 
nually since March 10th, 1831, cast the interest on the whole 
sum, and report the entire amount of principal and interest to the 
Auditor of State, on or before the 1st day of December next; so 
that the same may be submitted to the legislature, and such action 
had thereupon as "may appear just and proper." The resolutions 
were readily adopted; and they indicate a reviving sense of justice 
towards the colored population. 

Such is a brief view of the action of the Legislature, on those 
subjects which peculiarly engage the attention of abolitionists. It 
will be at once perceived that, while nearly all the important objects 
respecting which we petitioned remain yet to be accomplished, a 
great deal nevertheless has been gained. Last year a strong effort 
was made to re-enforce and aggravate some of the most obnoxious 



Annual Report. Id 

provisions of our laws relating to the people of color. Such a mea 
sure during the late session was too hopeless to be attempted. The 
tide of injustice, we rejoice to believe, is at length arrested; the cur- 
rent of feeling has set the other way; the legislature begins to feel 
the pressure of a public opinion, to which it has not been accus- 
tomed; hereafter, whatsoever changes may be made in our policy 
towards the colored people will, no doubt, be dictated and regulated 
by a regard to the sacred doctrine of equal rights, and the funda- 
mental principles of civil liberty. 

The result of our various operations in this State is truly gratify- 
ing. True, a less amount of eminent talent has been actively em- 
ployed than in the Eastern States; some of our most influential 
men have been transferred to other fields of labor; and there has 
been but little parade or exhibition for mere effect: but the progress 
of abolition sentiment has been rapid. We do not know how many 
societies have been formed since last May; their present number 
may be estimated at about 300. The multiplication of societies, 
however, is but one evidence of the progress of our cause. There 
has been a decided approximation of the public mind to the standard 
of abolition-sentiment. People have become more awake to the 
exacting spirit of slave-holders. There is not so lenient a feeling 
towards slavery, as existed in this State a year ago. Self-respect 
and a more exalted estimate of what is due to the interests of uni- 
versal liberty, are beginning to supplant that blind devotion to the 
South, which seemed eager to sacrifice almost every thing valuable 
in northern rights for the protection of the oppressor against the. 
voice of rebuke and remonstrance. The impression is becoming 
more and more general, that slavery must be destroyed. Attempts 
to fetter the freedom of speech and of the press by legislative enact- 
ment are now out of the question; and lynch-law as a means for 
arresting free inquiry into this great social evil is rapidly becoming 
unpopular. 

It will now be proper briefly to advert to several subjects of more 
general interest, by which we shall be enabled to form a tolerably 
correct opinion of the more important aspects of abolition. 

TEXAS. 

In regard to the projected annexation of Texas, the action of the 
free states for the most part has been independent, and decidedly 
favorable to the cause of human rights. It is not unlikely that, had 



20 Annual Report. 

it not been lor the vigorous, well-timed efforts of abolitionists, this 
measure so fraught with various evil, would before this time have been 
consummated. Fortunately, their zeal served to direct upon the un- 
hallowed scheme the concentrated attention of the people of the 
free states; and the noble letter of Dr. Channing to Henry Clay, the 
indignant voice of remonstrance everywhere uttered by the press, 
and the solemn protests of legislative bodies, are all the legitimate 
results of the efforts of men, stigmatized as fanatics or unprincipled 
intermeddlers. Opposition to the movement, indeed, is not limited 
to abolitionists, nor does it necessarily depend upon anti-slavery rea- 
sons; but the first impulse and main-spring of this opposition are 
strictly in their nature anti-slavery. It is impossible to tell how 
many myriads of petitions on this subject have been sent in to Con- 
gress. They have made the slave-holder fully aware of the vast obsta- 
cles in the way of his wishes. Until thus informed, his movements 
were overt and bold, but since then they have been marked by more 
cunning and secrecy. All inquiry, that could in any way throw 
light on the subject of our perplexed relations with Mexico, and our 
attitude towards her revolted province, has been carefully repressed. 
Sometime during the present session of Congress, Mr. Morris mov- 
ed a resolution, that the Judiciary Committee be instructed to ascer- 
tain whether our present laws on the slave-trade were sufficient to 
prevent the inhuman traffic between this country and Texas: this 
movement might have led to some unpleasant developments, and 
accordingly the resolution was laid on the table. The whole South 
on this question seems united in opposition to the North. The 
prospect of a few, immediate advantages has blinded her statesmen 
to the ultimate ruin the accomplishment of their wishes must bring 
upon the republic. Many of her legislatures have passed strong 
resolutions in favor of the annexation, and a portion at least of her 
population appears already to regard Texas as a part of the United 
States. Much is said about Texas no* wishing to be admitted into 
the Union, and her intention to withdraw her petition for annexa- 
tion, but this doubtless is designed to lull the fears and the vigilance 
of the people of the free states. American slaveholders have con- 
quered that territory from Mexico; their darling project for years 
has been to have it incorporated with our possessions; and it is 
not to be supposed that they will lightly abandon their purposes, or 
suffer their tools in Texas to prove traitors to their wishes. The 
creed of slave-holders on this question may be stated in the empha- 



Annual, Report. 21 

tic language of the Frankfort Commonwealth, (Ky.) In an article 
concerning Texas, the editor says, — "For ourselves, we have never 
for a moment doubted the policy which our government should have 
pursued in relation to Texas. We have heretofore asserted and we 
repeat it again, that Texas should be made a component part of our 
country at all hazards — peaceably, if she was willing-, and forcibly 
if she was reluctant." 

Sometime in January, Mr. Preston submitted a formal resolution 
in the Senate having this measure for its object, and gave notice that 
he would call it up on the third Monday in February. Until lately 
however, the resolution was suffered to repose quietly on the ta- 
ble; when, Mr. Preston, finding that nothing was to be gained by fur- 
ther delay, concluded to bring forward the subject. His speech on 
the occasion was singularly free from that spirit of denunciation 
against abolitionists, so characteristic of the speeches of southern 
statesmen; from which we infer that these gentlemen are beginning 
to perceive that they have nothing to gain and much to lose by un- 
seasonable and bitter invective. The resolution of Mr. Preston 
was again laid on the table, in order to give Mr. Walker an oppor- 
tunity of speaking to it. 

On the whole, it cannot be denied that slave-holders have failed 
for the present in the accomplishment of their purposes; but, let not 
the friends of liberty be deceived — the project of Annexation, we 
are sure, is not abandoned; so that it behoves them to be no less 
watchful and laborious than ever, to defeat a scheme which, if suc- 
cessful, would entail eternal infamy upon the name of our nation, 
and demolish, it is to be feared forever, the proud hopes of our re- 
public. 

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

With regard to slavery in the District of Columbia and Territo- 
ries, petitions this year have been vastly more numerous than at 
any former period, and productive of peculiarly important results. 
We need only allude here to Mr. Slade's celebrated speech on a 
motion to refer petitions to the committee on the District of Colum- 
bia, with instructions to report a bill for the abolition of slavery 
therein; the prodigious excitement that hereupon ensued; the ab- 
rupt withdrawal of Southern members from the House; their con- 
sultation in solemn conclave, wherein the various projects, of in- 
fraction of the right of petition, pro-slavery amendments to the 



Annual Report. 

Constitution, nullification and secession, were freely considered, 
their final agreement on a miscalled peace-offering in the form of 
Mr. Patton's gag-resolution; the servile adoption of this resolution 
by northern members; the noble protest of John Quincy Adams, 
and the treasonous letter of Mr. Rhett to his constituents. All 
these things are fresh in the recollections of the meeting; it is need- 
less therefore to enlarge upon them. 

In the Senate, the petitions produced results equally important. 
Mr. Calhoun, not satisfied with the quietly disrespectful manner in 
which our petitions had been disposed of, and eager by one bold 
stroke to annihilate the power of abolitionism, introduced in the 
Senate a set of resolutions, which may be said to contain the poli- 
tical creed of slavery. Of the nature of these resolutions, of Mr. 
Morris' antagonist resolutions, of Mr. Clay's declaration of senti- 
ments, and of the details of the action of the Senate upon them se- 
verally, it is unnecessry here to speak. All these subjects have been 
discussed at large in the Philanthropist and various anti-slavery pa- 
pers. The results of the whole movement have been precisely op- 
posite to what Mr. Calhoun anticipated. Abolitionism is not dead; 
it lives with renewed life, lives to obtain still more signal triumphs 
over the sinister arts of statesmen and brute force of savage mobs, 
and will live till the wail of the captive shall be changed to a jubilee 
shout, and the clank of a slave's chain shall be heard no more in all 
our borders. 

Let it be remembered, however, that for three years the right of 
petition has been virtually abrogated by the Congress of the United 
States. During the whole of this period there has been no distinct, 
solemn recognition of the sacredness of this right. The question 
remains undecided, Avhether the American people may or may not 
petition and be heard on the subject of a national grievance. In the 
House, the men whom they have elected to represent their inter- 
ests, contemptuously throw upon the table the petitions of their 
constituents without reference, debate, consideration, or even read- 
ing; and this they dare still to do, in defiance of the voice of the lar- 
gest portion of the press of the free states, and the protests of several 
of their legislatures. The action of the Senate is equally unprinci- 
pled. First the question is raised on the reception of a petition, — 
"shall it be received?" And then this question is on motion laid on 
the table. Of course the right of petition is tacitly denied. 

Why has not Congress the sense to see that it is only deferring 



Annual Report. 93 

a decision, which must ere long be made. Its present expedients 
for securing quiet can only be temporary. They fall short of the 
demands of slave-holders and transcend the principles of northern 
members. Every body perceives that they are mere tricks designed 
for present effect. Petitions are multiplying and will multiply. 
Yeer after year the tide of feeling will rise higher and higher, and 
Congress will be inundated with petitions. We know our rights; 
we can and will maintain them. We know that the right of peti- 
tion is in chains, and we have pledged ourselves in the sight of 
God never to rest until it be released. The whole country is thrill- 
ing with emotion on the subject. Public meetings, composed of 
men of all parties have been held; the press has everywhere spoken 
out in vehement tones of rebuke; and the time will soon come, when 
the legislature of every free state in the Union shall demand that the 
petitions of the people be received, read, referred and reported on, 
as common sense and the constitution imperiously dictate. The 
real question before Congress is, shall we deny or recognize the 
right of petition on the subjects of slavery and the slave-trade in the 
District and Territories? This is the question between slave-hold- 
ers and non-slaveholders. It must be answered, not evaded. Can 
permanent peace be secured by a trick? Can a zeal for the rights 
of others be quenched by the violation of our own? Can the mount- 
ing energies of a free people be repressed by insult? Are great 
questions to be laid asleep by evading them? True policy demands 
a just exposition and decision of constitutional questions, not their 
evasion by time-serving subterfuges. Better have no constitution 
at all, than one the force of whose plainest provisions we seek to 
counteract or evade by cunning devices. It is unmanly, unstates- 
man-like, silly, to shrink from the decision of a question which 
must be decided; and the decision of which may produce excite- 
ment the greater, the longer it is postponed. We repeat, Congress 
must decide this question, and decide it speedily, and decide it in 
favor of natural and constitutional right. 

DEVELOPMENTS IN THE CHURCH. 

The developments in the Southern churches for a year past have 
been of the most painful character. We need not here record the 
evidences of their frightful degeneracy. Surely, after the pro-slavery 
resolutions of Southern Methodist conferences, and the vindication 
of slavery as an institution harmonizing with Christianity, by their 



24 Annual Report. 

leading ministers and editors, there can be no doubt that this church 
in the South is one of the strong pillars of this stupendous system 
of robbery. Nay they are determined to place their position beyond 
all doubt. They wish it understood, that they have no fellowship 
for any sort of abolitionism — modern or ancient, ultra or moderate. 
In their eyes the gradualist is no better than the immediateist. 
Even their apologists in the North meet with a stern rebuke if they 
venture to express the opinion, that slavery is destined gradually 
to disappear under the benign influences of Christianity. While 
slave-holding Methodists thus contend for the harmony of their insti- 
tutions with the spirit of Christianity, their leading brethren in the 
North acquiesce by their silence. Their church periodicals take 
no note of such heresies; their ruling men whisper no breath of 
censure; their bishops, presiding in conferences, put resolutions di- 
rectly aimed to maintain the system of slavery, some of them 
declaring that it is no moral evil, and yet send forth no word of 
protest or dissent, manifest not the slightest symptom of dissa- 
tisfaction. On the contrary, the chief periodical of the church is 
devoted to an unrelenting warfare against the only men in the nation 
who are actively engaged in efforts to bring slavery to an end. 
Leading conferences in the free states pass resolutions of strong 
censure against ministers belonging to other conferences on account 
of their unwearied labors in behalf of the cause of human rights: 
a candidate for the ministry is rejected, solely because of his abo- 
litionism, and as a necessary condition to ordination, pledges are 
required in one conference of candidates, that they Will not discuss 
the subject of slavery; in fine, the determination is avowed in high 
places to put down abolitionists by the most energetic measures. 

As to the Presbyterian denomination, it is now generally believed, 
that independent of the agency of other causes in the proceedings 
of the last General Assembly, hostility to abolitionism had much 
to do with the division of the church. But from the late declara- 
tions of sentiment so freely made by the New School party in the 
South, it appears evident that they are quite as devoted supporters 
of slavery, as their Old School brethren. The abolition act of 
1818 is boldly affirmed by their leading writers to be an insult to 
southern Presbyterians, and they urge the necessity of instructing 
delegates to insist on its repeal. Christian fellowship with slave- 
holders on anti-slavery grounds seems entirely out of the question. 
The price of Union is, clearly, silence and inaction, complete and 



Annual Report. 25 

perpetual on the question of slavery. Whether the General As- 
sembly which has just risen, has been the scene of a compromise 
so humiliating and sinful, or whether Presbyterian abolitionists in 
the free states have maintained on this subject their integrity and 
independence, is yet to be learned. 

From these terrible exhibitions of hostility in our own republic 
to the great interests of human nature, it is consolatory to turn away 
our eyes and fix them on a land, whose religion and government 
have allied themselves to the purposes of God's providence, whose 
religious men and statesmen have signalized their obedience to the 
commandments of Heaven, and their devotion to the Rights of Man, 
by entirely and forever abolishing slavery throughout the wide ex- 
tent of their empire. Within a year past in Great Britain, the an- 
ti-slavery organization has been revived, and is now endeavoring to 
consummate the work of emancipation so gloriously begun. The 
impolicy of the apprenticeship system, its repugnance to the strict, 
principles of Immediate Emancipation, the flagrant violation by the 
planters of many of its provisions intended for the benefit of the 
apprentices, and the innumerable grievances to which the negro is 
yet subjected, constitute sufficient reasons with the British aboli- 
tionists for urging the immediate abolition of this absurd and inju- 
rious system. Already is the subject before Parliament, and the 
probability is that this body will not long withstand the reiterated 
demands of a whole people. 

The example of Great Britain must prove irresistible in its in- 
fluences; it exemplifies the genuine spirit of Christianity; in it 
shines forth the moral power of the world; and the providences of 
God plainly point it out as the glorious harbinger of an era of Uni- 
versal Liberty. 

Let us hope that this proud republic shall not be the last refuge 
of oppression on earth; that there is still moral power enough 
among us to overthrow this abomination of desolation. There is 
danger of dwelling too much on the dark side of our country's his- 
tory. True, it is hard not to be dejected, not to be filled with grief, 
mortification and alarm, when the mind is permitted to meditate on 
transactions which now for many years have blackened the annals 
of the American people. How can we forget, that in this country, 
consecrated to liberty by the baptism of blood, the mightiest efforts 
have been put forth to bring its sons into abject vassalage to slavery? 
That nothing but mutual distrust, a want of concert a foreboding of 

4 



26 Annual Itqjorf. 

sinister consequences, lias prevented the American people from giv- 
ing the form of law to the declarations against freedom of dis- 
cussion made in their primary assemblies — from annihilating by so- 
lemn legislative enactment the rights of free thought and expres- 
sion? 

It is not owing to our virtue, to a pure, disinterested attachment 
to the principles of civil liberty, that we are not this day as fallen 
and degraded, as the subjects of European despotism, whose bon- 
dage we so deeply deplore. It is not that as a people, we have re- 
garded more tenderly the liberty of speech and the press, than the 
tyrants who would fasten their fetters on universal mind. No! We 
are free simply because we were afraid of each other. If our politi- 
cians and civilians could have devised against us a law, that would 
not indirectly have curtailed their own liberties, that would not with 
inevitable certainty have prepared the way for violations of their 
own rights; it is to be feared that long ere this, an American Con- 
gress would have sanctioned the resolutions of pro-slavery meetings, 
and the deeds of ruffian mobs. Alas for our country! It will not 
do to brood too constantly over the painful scenes that have been 
enacted among us, — respectable citizens stirring up the vdest ele- 
ments of society to the work of midnight destruction or open-day- 
outrage; the sworn supporters of the law, counting as dross the 
peace and dignity of the commonwealth, and lending the influence 
of their example and countenance to law-breaking mobs; mer- 
chants, prostituting honor, generosity, patriotism, for the sake 
of southern gold; politicians, calculating with atrocious coolness 
how far they may venture to trespass on the rights of their fel- 
low-citizens, for the sake of slave-holding votes; statesmen, grave- 
ly deliberating in solemn council, how best they may intrench 
on the sphere of moral effort, how most ingeniously they may 
fetter freedom of opinion and the right of petition, how most suc- 
cessfully they may roll back the tide of the influences of those 
very principles which made us a free and an independent nation; 
christians, holding their peace or apologizing for the oppressor, 
while the sighing of the needy and the wail of the heart-broken 
captive are crying mightily to God to come down and deliver; in a 
word, a nation filled with exceeding madness against the fearless 
few who dared to insist, that Liberty now and Liberty forever, was 
the inalienable heritage of every man, bond as well as free. 

But let us not be surprised or disheartened at these things. Let 



Annual Report. \»7 

us be amazed rather, that worse acts have not been committed, that 
darker scenes have not passed before us. Let us be thankful to God, 
that this day our rights are in less jeopardy than they were one year 
ago; and that the indications every where around us tell that the re- 
demption of our country draweth nigh. Man is naturally intolerant. 
The propagation of unpopular opinions has always given rise to 
persecution. Philosophers may repeat the very reasonable maxim, 
that "error of opinion may be tolerated so long as reason is left free 
to combat it," but passion or interest will prove stronger than reason. 
The philosopher himself, under the influence of perverted feelinG - , 
will just as likely turn persecutor as the man who never uttered a 
striking thought. The American people are men — men of like 
passions and infirmities with those in other days who sought to ex- 
terminate offensive doctrines or opinions, by burning or beheading 
their adherents. It is not wonderful therefore that they should be- 
come persecutors, that they should avail themselves of the power 
of brute force to beat back opinions at war with their deepest preju- 
dices and apparently their most cherished interests. The only won- 
der is, that in the face of such an array of interest, political influ- 
ence, wealth, talent, prejudice, together with the strenuous opposi- 
tion of really good men, a reformation most odious in popular esti- 
mation should have been able to progress rapidly, without an inter- 
val of abatement, multiplying its advocates by thousands, and that 
throughout the stormy conflict, but one instead of a hundred, should 
have fallen a martyr to the cause of truth. This wonder can only 
be fully explained by referring reverentially to that Power, who has 
set bounds to the wickedness of the wicked, that it cannot pass 
over. 

We shall now mention a few facts that furnish grounds of hope 
to the friends of Universal Liberty. 

1. Within one year, there has been throughout the free states ge- 
nerally, a steady re-action in favor of law and order. But human 
blood was shed, one of America's noblest sons fell a martyr to truth 
and freedom, ere the Demon of Anarchy faltered in its career. Men 
slept on the volcano until it broke forth in the desolating scenes of 
Alton: then they started from their sleep. They, who had spoken 
before faintly in behalf of the laws, now burned with vehement in- 
dignation; and the voice of stern rebuke burst from lips which un- 
til now had been sealed as in the silence of death. The crisis had 
eome. The mob-spirit had thrown oft' all disguise and showed it- 



28 Annual Report. 

self the same foul, sanguinary and voracious demon that made itsell 
drunk with the blood of human sacrifice in the terrible days of re- 
volutionary France. The American people saw this, and hastened, 
ere it was too late, to put an end to the extending domination of a 
power, which had mown in strength and rapacity by reason of their 
criminal connivance. Their efforts have not been quite unsuccessful. 
The days of peace seem returning, and on every side may be seen 
tokens of a reviving regard for the laws. Nothing, however, but 
the watchful, steadfast, united efforts of the moral part of the com- 
munity can prevent the re-enactment of scenes so dreadful and hu- 
miliating. 

2. There has been a marked diminution of prejudice against abo- 
litionists. Their doctrines are considered such as reasonable men 
may entertain, without therefore meriting the appellation of "mad- 
men;" and their character and motives are better appreciated. 

3. In the aspects presented by the slave-holding states, there is 
not a little to encourage us. The South has a conscience that may 
yet be reached. In the action of many of her state-legislatures, 
we have noticed enactments of a decidedly moral character, that must 
have flowed from an enlightened and increasing regard to the in- 
terests of morality. They plainly show that the spirit of reform 
is at work among them, a spirit which, as it gathers light and power 
from a more familiar acqaintance with those radical principles of 
reformation which Christianity is everywhere disseminating, will 
soon turn its energies against the whole system of slavery. 

4. The dissolution of the Union may now be regarded as a dan- 
ger almost passed. The Southern press is less violent and menac- 
ing in its tone; few public men in the South seem disposed to se- 
cond the treasonous sentiments of Mr. Rhett; little has been said 
and less done about a Southern Convention, a majority of the most 
eminent statesmen of the South being adverse to the measure. 

5. The minds of slave-holders generally are more calmly attentive 
to the discussion of slavery. We trust that they are beginning to 
see the folly of violent attempts to suppress the discussion of a sub- 
ject, which the providence of God and the genius of Christianity 
are forcing on the attention of the world. At no former period dur- 
ing the whole seven years of our anti-slavery warfare, have we been 
brought into so close contact with Southern mind. 

The South indeed appears to be generally receding from the truth 
on this great question; but it is only in appearance. The very pro-sla- 



Annual Report. 29 

very ultraism that has become so remarkable, shows that slave-hold- 
ers are beginning to feel the heavy pressure of abolitionism. No 
middle ground now will answer the purpose of the determined slave- 
holder. His ultraism is opposed as much to Gradualism as Imme- 
diatei:;m. He pleads not for a temporary, but an eternal slavery. 
The movements of the abolitionists directly tend to develop the 
real state of the South. There are undoubtedly two classes of men 
in that region — those who from motives of interest are resolved to 
countenance no scheme for bringing slavery to an end, and those 
who, feeling slavery to be a curse, and yet too timid, or too unen- 
lightened to form a definite plan for its removal, look forward to a 
day when the providence of God shall effect its extinction. The 
agitation of the slavery-question has brought out the first class in 
bold relief; and theirs is the voice that we now hear. They are 
the men who would smother discussion, and who, breathing out 
threatenings and slaughter, with an eye of fire and a front of defiance, 
would frighten the North into tame acquiescence in their unrepubli- 
can, anti-christian, inhuman claims. Their voice has been heard 
first, simply because they were decided, and because too they were 
eager to avail themselves of the jealousies growing out of the anti-sla- 
very excitement, to abate the hostility of the second class to slavery, 
and prevent forever any efforts on their part for its removal. But the 
very extremes to which these men of violence are driving their pro- 
slavery notions, must sooner or later produce reaction among their 
more irresolute, though less selfish and despotic fellow-citizens. 
It is not possible, that that this class can long endure that the South, 
the whole South should stand arraigned before all Christendom as 
the bold, unblushing advocate of perpetual slavery. A voice of 
dissent, of remonstrance shall yet be heard; a voice of terrible re- 
buke, in the South itself, shall go up into the ears of men, who, like 
Calhoun and McDuffie, would magnify and immortalize a monster, 
on every lineament of which Jehovah has stamped his curse, and 
for the annihilation of which the fulness of his unutterable attributes 
is pledged. Anxiously do we wait and hope to hear this noble re- 
buke. On the enemies of slavery in the South itself, we depend for 
its abolition. Let them begin to act, and the days of slavery are 
numbered; and to them, we rejoice to say, the way of access is open- 
ing; among them the spirit of free fearless inquiry is already mov- 
ing. Heaven forbid that we should despair of our country — that 
we should lift up the voice of bitter, hopeless denunciation against 



:jO Address to the Churches. 

the slave-states, as if there were no hearts there to he softened, no 
minds there to be convinced, no souls there to kindle with generous 
emotions, no consciences there to be enlisted on the side of God 
and Liberty. 

Many more considerations might be adduced to show what little 
reason there is for distrusting the power of truth, for despairing of 
the virtue of our fellow-countrymen, for supposing that God has 
abandoned this republic to a hard and an impenitent heart. But we 
have said enough — enough to revive the hopes of the Friends of 
Freedom, and incite them to renewed exortions in behalf of the 
cause of Universal Liberty. 



AN ADDRESS TO THE CHURCHES ON PREJUDICE 
AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR. 

BY JOHN RANKIN. 

The Church is the light of the world, and the salt of the earth. She is to 
preach the gospel to every human being, and warn the world against every sin. 
She is to open her mouth for the dumb, and plead the cause of the poor and 
needy. She is to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison 
to them that arc bound. She is Christ's messenger sent to preach peace on earth, 
and good will to men. And although she is unhappily divided into various de- 
nominations, still she has but one Lord, and one supreme rule of faith and prac- 
tice. In all her parts she is equally bound to extend benevolence to the poor of 
all nations, to enlighten and elevate all classes of human beings, and to use suitable 
efforts to banish every moral evil from the world. Hence an appeal is now made 
to Christians of all denominations on behalf of the colored people of the United 
States. And they are humbly entreated for Christ's sake, to hear this appeal. 

It is well known that strong prejudice is entertained, by the mass of Society, 
against the people of color, and greatly to the injury both of their temporal and 
spiritual interests. 

It is now intended to call the attention of all christians to this prejudice, and 
show that it is most unreasonable, and highly criminal; and that, of course, it 
ought to be abolished. 

PREJUDICE AGAINST COLOR IS MOST UNREASONABLE. 
1. It is most unreasonable. This will appear evident to every one who will 
candidly investigate the grounds from which this prejudice springs. Difference 
of color, peculiarity of hair and features are made the occasions of prejudicing 



Address to the Churches. 9.1 

men against their fellow-bejngs. Were difference of color, and peculiarity of 
hair and features natural evils, rendering the colored people inferior to other?, 
they would form reasons for sympathy, and not for prejudice. If evils they be, 
they are unavoidable. The Ethiopian can no more change his skin than the 
leopard can his spo;=,. If there be fault in the color, hair, and features of the 
African race, it might be charged to Him who formed the Universe. Infinite 
Wisdom gave the color, and drew the form of every human being. How un- 
reasonable then, to entertain prejudice against the color and form that God has 
given! Is it not to reproach our Maker? 

The color, hair and features of the colored people were not given, as some 
have supposed, as a mark of Heaven's displeasure, and intended to designate 
them for degradation and slavery, but as the effects of natural causes. As all 
sprung from a common parent, the differences of color, hair and features in the 
human family, must be attributed either to direct miracle, or to the operation of 
natural causes. He who believes they are to be attributed to miracle, ought to be 
able to give us the evidence ou which his belief is founded. There is no evi- 
dence that ever such miracle was wrought. It is absurd to suppose a direct in- 
terposition of Almighty power for such a purpose; it is reasonable then to attri- 
bute such varieties in the human family to the operation of natural causes. 

Man was formed to inhabit every climate, hence it is reasonable to believe that 
human nature was created susceptible of such constitutonal changes as would 
best fit him for inhabiting every region of the globe. This is confirmed by 
facts. 

All mankind were created ina common parent, and of course, were originally 
of one color; but now they possess every shade of color, from the perfectly white 
to the entirely black. In every, climate the inhabitants have a peculiar shade of 
color; and this peculiar shade is proved to be constitutional by the fact, that it is 
still propagated after people have changed climates. 

Noah's posterity are divided into three great families; in each of these there is 
great variety of color; in all of them there are the two extremes of white and 
black, while the great mass in each are partially dark. In Guinea and Senegal, 
where the heat is excessive, the children of Ham are entirely black. In Abys- 
sinia and Egypt, where the heat is less excessive, they are less dark. The an- 
cient Canaanites, on whom Noah's curse was executed, were the fairer portion of 
Ham's family, and equally fair with the ancient Hebrews. "A colony of Ethio- 
pians who were settled at Colchis, on the Black Sea, two thousand years ago, have 
now become white." The Jews, descendants of Shem and of Abraham, "are 
white in Germany and Poland, swarthy in Spain and Portugal, olive in the Bar- 
bary states and in E^ypt, and black in Hindostan. The largest portion of white 
people descended from Japhet, ami yet he has black children in his family. The 
Portuguese who settled on the coast of Africa a few hundred years since, are now- 
black. The children of Shem and Japhet become black in hot climates, just as 
soon as the children of Ham. 

Home, in his Introduction to a Critical Knowledge of the Scriptures, thus 
answers the objection to the Mosaic history, founded on the difference of color 
in the human family. "In order to invalidate the Mosaic history, it has been 



32 Address to the his. 

Dntended, that if all mankind sprung from Noah. ond parent of the hu- 

man race, it is impossible to account for the originof the Hacks, if the patriarch 
and his wife were -white. But this difference in col. ■ does not invalidate the nar- 
rative of Moses: for it has been ascertained (hat the influence of climate, and 
the local circumstances of air, water, food, cm toi are sufficient to account 

for the dissimilarity which is discovered in Ihe appearance of different nations. 
If dogs, taken to the frigid zone, grow shaggy; and if sheep, transported to the 
torrid zone, exchange their wool for hair, why may not the human species gra- 
dually partake of the influence of climate? as experience shows it does. The 
testimony of M. De Pages, who himself experienced this change, is particularly 
worthy of notice. In his travels round the world, daring the year 1767—1771 
speaking of his passage over the Great Deseit, he says, 'The tribes which fre- 
quent the middle of the Desert, have locks somewhat crisped, extremely fine and 
approaching the woolly hair of the negro. My ovn, during the short period of 
my travels in those regions, became more dry and delicate than usual, and re- 
ceiving little nourishment from a checked perspiration, showed a disposition to 
assume the same woolly and frizzled appearance.- an entire failure of moisture 
and the excessive heat of climate by which it was occasioned, seemed to be the 
principal causes of those symptoms; my blood was become extremely dry, and 
my complexion at length differed little from that cf a Hindoo or Arab ' " ' 

"Man was formed to reside in all climates." "Han," says an eminent natu- 
ralist, [Count Buffon,] who was by no means a bigot in favor of Scriptural his- 
tory, "though white in Europe, black in Africa, yellow in Asia, and red in 
America, is still the same animal, tinged only with the color of climate Where 
heat is excessive, as in Guinea and Senegal, the people are perfectly black- 
where less excessive, as in Abyssinia, the people are less black; where it is more 
temperate, as in Barbary and and Arabia, they are brown; and where mild as in 
Europe and Lesser Asia, they are fair." "In further corroboration of the influ- 
ence of climate on the human complexion, we may remark, that there is a colony 
of Jews, who have been settled at Cochin on the Malabar coast from a very re- 
mote period, of which they have lost memory. Though originallv a fair neoplc 
from Palestine, and from their customs preserving themselves unmingled, they 
are now become as black as the other Malabanans, who are scarcely a shade 
lighter than the negroes of Guinea, Benin or Angola. At Ceylon, also, the Por- 
tuguese who settled there only a few centuries ago, have become blacker than the 
natives; and the Portuguese who settled near the Mundingoes, about three hun- 
dred years since, differ so little from them as to be called negroes, which they re- 
3ent : a high indignity." 

In short to adopt the memorable conclusion of the indefatigable philosopher 
above cited who deduced it after minute inquiries, from a great number of the 
best attested observations: "From every circumstance proof may be obtained, that 
mankind are not composed of species essentially different from each other; that on 
the contrary, there was originally but one individual species of men, which after 
being multiplied and diffused over the whole face of the earth, underwent various 
changes from the influence of climate, from the difference of food, and the mode 
* living, from epidemical disorders, as also from the intermixture, varied ad in * 



Jldtiress to the Churches. 33 

finitum, of individuals more pr less resembling each other; that these alterations 
were at first less considerable and confined to individuals; that afterwards, from 
the continued action of the above causes becoming more general, more sensible, 
and more fixed, they formed varieties of the species; and that these varieties have 
been and still are perpetuated from generation to generation, in the same manner 
ascertain disorders and certain maladies pass from parents to their children." 

The conclusion of this eminent naturalist, founded upon accurate observation, 
is in exact accordance with Divine Revelation. The Scriptures teach that God 
"hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the 
earth." Acts, xvii. 26. As man was designed to dwell on every part of the 
earth, it was necessary that he should be formed susceptible of such constitution- 
al changes as would fit him for pvery climate. The Ethiopians, Jews, and Greeks, 
are alike recognized as men. Hence the efforts of some anatomists to prove that 
the negroes are not of the human species, are direct attacks upon the Bible. 
The Holy Spirit commanded Philip to join the chariot of "a man of Ethiopia," 
a Negro. He obeyed, taught him, and baptized him in the name of the Lord 
Jesus. Acts viii. 26-38. A difference of formation in the head or brain can no 
more prove an absolute difference of species, than a difference in the formation 
of any other parts of the body. Some are born with six fingers on each hand; 
no one on earth can account fortthe fact, and yet who would be stupid enough 
to contend, that persons who have six fingers on each hand are not human 
beings because of a different formation from others. There may be a vast variety 
of formation of the human body 1 , without destroying the essential constituents of 
human nature. 

The Scriptures not only teach the variety of the species, but assume it as a 
fact that the sun changes the color of the skin. Can. i. 6. "Look not upon me 
because I am black; because the mn hath looked upon me my mother's children 
■were angry with me." The meaaing is, because the sun has looked upon me 
so as to make me black, my mother's children were angry with me. The com- 
plaint is, that the anger of the mother's children against their sister, was unrea- 
sonable, because her blackness was occasioned by the rays of the sun, and not by 
her own fault. 

It is well known that a few days exposure to the sun will make a very sensi- 
ble change in the color of the skin, and that the longer the exposure is conti- 
nued the more deeply sensible will be change. It is generally well known that 
it requires much longer time to remove, than to contract a tinge of the skin. 

It has been ascertained, that color exists in the rays of light. There are 
seven kinds of colored rays. The color of a body depends on the kind of rays 
it reflects. The body that is co constituted as to reflect the red rays is red, that 
which is so constituted as to reflect the blue rays, is blue; and that which is so 
constituted as to reflect alike all the colored rays, is white. It is found by expe- 
riments, that white is an amalgamation of all the original colors. The body 
that is so formed as to absorb all the rays, is black. The skin of the white man 
is so constituted by climate and manner of living, that it reflects the rays of 
light, and this is the reason why he is white. The skin of the black man is so 
constituted by climate and manner of living, as to absorb the rays of light, and 

5 



34 Address to the ChurAhes. 

this is the reason why he is black. The skin is composed of three layers, called 
the cuticle, the rcte mucosum, and the cutis. The cuticle is semi-transpa- 
rent, and the cutis is white. These arc of the same color in all men of every 
climate. The rete mucosum is a soft mucous substance, and is susceptible of 
change by the action of climate. In excessively hot climates it becomes thick, 
and like black paint absorbs the rays; consequently the skin is black. Other 
climates so operate upon the rete mucosum as to cause a partial reflection of the 
red rays, and consequently, the skin has a red appearance. Under the action 
of European climates it becomes sor thin as to be scarcely perceptible, and is so 
constituted as to permit the reflection of the rays, and consequently the skin is 
white. It is then, the action of the various climates upon the rete mucosum 
that causes the varieties of color in the human species. 

When people fiom a fair climate settle in a black climate, the rete mucosum 
becomes gradually changed by excessive heat, so as to obstruct the reflection of 
the rays, and under the continued action of the same causes still more of the 
rays are absorbed, and fewer reflected; hence the skin grows continually darker. 
The constitution becomes habituated to those secretions by which the rete mu- 
cosum is rendered thick and dark, and a natural result is, that a tendency to 
such secretions is propagated in the offspring, just as when the constitution has 
long been habituated to disease, a tendency to such disease is propagated in the 
offspring. The change in the rete mucosum is no doubt effected by a change 
in the secretions, and these changed secretions become habitual, and in this way 
the color becomes permanently changed, and is propagated in the offspring. 
Thus the Portuguese who settled in Africa a L'evr centuries since, became gradu- 
ally darker from generation to generation until they have become as black as 
the natives. 

When people are removed from black to fair climates they gradually become 
less black, until they assume the color peculiar to such climates. Hence the 
colored people of the United States, notwithstanding their continued exposure 
under a relentless system of oppression, are less dark than the native Africans, 
although unmixed with the European race. It has been justly remarked by 
careful observers, that the fourth and fifth American generations purely of Afri- 
can blood, are sensibly nearer to the color of Europeans than are the native Afri- 
cans. Under more favorable ciicumstanccs they would doubtless have made 
greater advances towards a fair complexion. 

The process from black to white is much slower than that from white to black. 
TLj causes that produce a fair skin are counteracted by opposing causes. The 
action of the sun in every climate tends to darken the complexion. It requires 
protection from the sun in the fairest climates to produce and sustain an entirely 
fair skin. In the most favorable climates the skin, by a few days exposure to 
sun, will contract a tinge that months will not remove. Hence it is evident that 
the process from black to white is against strong tendencies, and must of course, 
be exceedingly slow, yet a black people residing in a fair climate will ultima- 
tely become white. This is proved by the fact, that people purely of Afri- 
can blood, are in the United States, continually becoming lighter in com- 
plexion. 



Address to the Churches. 35 

From (he statements made, and the facts presented, we may safely conclude 
that man was created susceptible of receiving his color from climate, and that no 
one shade of color is more natural to human nature than another. 

There is no shade of color in the human family that is not beautiful in itself, 
and admired when attached toother objects. The white, the red, the olive, the 
brown and the black, are all admired in cloth, and why not equally so in the 
human skin? It is exceedinglydifficult to determine which is the more admired 
the perfectly white, or the entijely black dress. Certain it is, that the beauty 
of the black is not so easily tarnished as that of the white. Why should we 
admire the black glossy dress, aid despise the black skin that is infinitely more 
curiously wrought? The skin id but the dress which God has thrown over the 
human frame. As a kind fatheij dresses out his daughters in white, red, olive, 
brown and black, while he esteeris them all alike his children, so the good Fa- 
ther of the Universe has dressedjout his children in colors according to the va- 
rious climates in which they dv«ll. All are beautiful; why should they des- 
pise one another? 

The peculiarity of the hair ana features is also to be attributed to natural 
causes. It is found that tribes who live in distinct climates, and who do not inter- 
marry, have each, hair, eyes and features peculiar to themselves. For instance, 
the Indians have all coarse, strain black hair, their eyes are of one color, and 
they have the same general features. The fairest climates produce red and 
white hair, and those less fair prodsce dark and black hair. Hence the Euro- 
pean nations, being mingled together have hair variously colored. In a single 
family may be found red, white and black hair. This is owing to the amalga- 
mation of people from various climdtes. That some should have red and white 
hair, and others black hair, is just Ws unaccountable as that the African race 
should have woolly hair. Originally, there was but one kind of hair; for all 
sprung from a common parent. One climate so forms the constitution as to pro- 
duce red hair; another so forms it as to produce white hair, and another so as to 
produce not only black but woolly Ijair. All these facts exist, and they prove 
that the differences of hair and features are the results of natural causes. 

The color, hair and features of the African race then are not marks of Heaven's 
displeasure, as many have ignorantly supposed, but the results of natural causes. 
Hence, to indulge prejudice against colored people is extremely unreasonable. 

PREJUDICE AGAINST COLORED PEOPLE HIGHLY CRIMINAL. 

II. The prejudice against the colored people is hig-hly criminal. 

1. It is a palpable violation of the law of love. 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor 
as thyself:' no allowance is made for the color of our neighbor's skin. The 
white neighbor, the red neighbor, and the black neighbor are alike to be the ob- 
jects of our affection. This is evident from the Saviour's interpretation of the 
law and the prophets. "All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to 
you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law and the prophets." No man 
would desire to have others to indulge such prejudice against him, and conse- 
quently, no man can indulge such prejudice against another without violating 
the Divine law. 



3C> Address to the ChutcHes. 

t. Such prejudice is against the example of God and other holy beings. God 
is declared to be "no respecter of persons. Hut in every nation, he that fcareth 
Him and worketh righteousnes, is accepted with Hirri." The Saviour, when on 
earth, readily associated with the poorest and most degraded classes of human 
beings. The holy angels attended upon the poor beggar Lazarus, and carried 
bis departing spirit to Abraham's bosom. Philip, by the command of the Holy 
Spirit, associated with "a man of Ethiopia," a mgro, just as freely as if he had 
been white. The Apostle James says, "My brethren have not the faith of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, the Lord of Glory, with respect of persons. For if there 
come into your assembly, a man with a gold ring, and goodly apparel, and there 
come in also a poor man in vile raiment: and ye have respect to him that wear- 
eth the gay clothing, and say to him, sit thou tlere in good places; and say to 
the poor, stand thou there, or sit here under in 1 footstool; are ye not then par- 
tial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts? — Jf ye fulfil the 
royal law according to the Scripture, 'Thou sha/t love thy neighbor as thyself' 
ye do well,- but if ye have respect to persons, ye commit sin, and are convinced 
of thelaiv as transgressors." James ii. 1 — 4, (■, 9. 

Thus reasons an inspired Apostle. If prejudice against poverty and vile rai- 
ment be sinful, how much mere sinful is prejudice against a colored skin, the 
very clothing which God himself made, and dyed by the arrangements of his 
providences. If it be criminal to refuse a rran a seat, or to set him under our 
footstool, because of vile raiment, which may ie the fruits of idleness and crime, 
how much more criminal to refuse a man a scat, or to set him under our footstool 
because God has given him a colored skin? 

3. This prejudice tends to the most cruel oppression. It has shut up from the 
colored people the bowels of compassion. In most of the states it has deprived them 
of the rights of citizenship, the advantages of the learned professions, and the bene- 
fits of the mechanical arts. It has denied them the privileges of colleges and com- 
mon schools in which to educate their children. It has shut them out of the temple 
of God, and taken from them the key of knowledge that opens the gate to eter- 
nal life. It has organized a powerful society to cast them ignorant and hungry 
upon a foreign shore, to fall a prey to inveterate disease.* It has enacted against 



* That this prejudice gave birth to the Colonization Society there can be no 
reasonable doubt. Why colonize Africans more than Europeans, if there be no 
prejudice against color] It is well known that Colonizationists affirm, that the 
prejudice against the colored population is so great that they never can be ele- 
vated in this country. It is this prejudice that denies colored Americans a com- 
fortable home in their native land, and compels their consent to go to Liberia. 
Few, if any, would go thither, were they permitted to enjoy their rights in this 
country. Thus it is evident that the Colonization Society owes its existence 
to prejudice. That many engaged in that enterprise were actuated by benevolent 
motives, is readily admitted. 

Two years since Elder Swan, while attending the General Assembly at Pitts- 
burg, examined some adult slaves, who v ^rt' then on their way to Liberia; — five 
out of six could not tell him who made them. These are some of the missiona- 
ries who are to enlighten Africa. 

That thev suffer hunger is stated in several communications from Liberia. 



Address to the Churches. 37 

the colored people cruel and oppressive laws. And it is a prominent pretext for 
holding near three millions of them in abject slavery, and destroying the very 
end of their being as rational creatures. A Tennessee paper asserts that, in a 
single year, sixty thousand slaves were driven on their way to market, through a 
single western town. How last must be the number of human beings sold every 
year in this far-famed land of liberty!! Hundreds of thousands are annually torn 
from all that is dear on earto. Husbands and wives, parents and children are 
forever separated from each o|her! Even the clinging babe is torn, by the rude 
hands of the stranger, from itslmother's bosom! Rivers of sorrows flow and mil- 
lions of groans ascend to Heaven! The very lamp of life is extinguished, and 
thousands upon thousands desflend to endless night! Still this relentless preju- 
dice, dark fiend of hell, cried they shall not be free among us! They shall not be 
free among us ! ! 

Surely such prejudice is one of the blackest crimes of the human heart. It 
ought to be, and it can be abolished. Let Divine truth be wielded against it, and 
it will vanish away as darkness before the rising sun. The sword of the spirit 
can cut it up root and branch, ajul drive it from the earth. To the shame of the 
gospel ministry, the truth has sellom been brought to bear on this blackest of hu- 
man crimes. Millions have indulged it without reproof, and few seem to have 
thought it criminal. On this point the watchmen of all denominations have 
long slumberrd — let them now iwake and show the people that this prejudice 



is hatred to our brother, that it a 
presseth the poor reproacheth hi 
without respect to his color, be c 



ways oppresses the poor, and that "he that op- 
Maker." Let the duty of loving our neighbor, 
refully inculcated both by precept and example. 
Let all be made to feel that they cannot inherit the kingdom of God while they 
entertain a prejudice ruinous to their fellow men, and soon the rights of the poor 
colored people will be restored to (hem, and they will be owned and cherished as 
brethren. 

How great has been the sin of both ministers and people in fostering a preju- 
dice that consigns to ruin million^ of immortal beings! How inconsistent is our 
conduct, — we rear up great Missionary institutions to convert the heathen abroad, 
and make annually sixty thousand heathen at home! We may safely say that 
we make a thousand heathen at home for every ten we convert abroad. I cannot 



One of these is a letter from John Moore, published some time since inthe Phi- 
lanthropist. 

That a large number fall a prey to inveterate disease, is a fact that cannot be 
denied. 

Forty persons liberated by General Blackburn, of Virginia, and sent to Libe- 
ria, were in less than one year reduced in number to twenty-three, by the inve- 
terate diseases of that climate. Seventeen out of the forty died in less than 
twelve months after their arrival, and these too were of the prime of the compa- 
ny. This is only one of the many painful facts that might be presented as evi- 
dence of the dreadful mortality attendant upon colonization in Africa. All that 
have perished by the scheme have been the victims of cruel prejudice, and their 
blood will be required at the hand of the United States. All who indulge this 
prejudice are personally guilty of causing the death of their fellow-men. Ought 
colonization to be carried on at so great a sacrifice of human life? 



Address to the Churches. 

::;izL h t:;r„ f ,l :;it i :it a : fu,f r'-. °r ■ "**-* 

appal tag faet, that three m i| lion , i„ onr lall(1 „ J,,,^ ho '° ' j, " '° f " *■ 
to read Che Sacred Scriptures " .„,, ,„ ,. ., , P"™«ge of learning 

I- »Hh their increaL. fc, g£5££X« * *~* «-» 

sands. In behalf of these nerishin. «tir t hundreds of thou- 

o hl ,rc, in „„ „.„,„, ^^L^c^irrr , ch,ia, " n 

you uesir, t. « WCJ , t0 have mc ,. CJ „„ £^*J*J» - 

open vour mouth, f„, , he dumb , Jo pIoa( , , he ^ ^ ^ ^ be^. Do 



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